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Budget Padding: Salient questions nobody is asking Ningi

Senator Abdul Ningi

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By Ola Awoniyi

What was the motive of Distinguished Senator Abdul Ahmed Ningi for raising a controversy over the 2024 federal budget?

Since the Senate at its Plenary of Tuesday 12th March, 2024 deliberated over the matter and handed a three-month suspension to the Bauchi Senator, there have been countless commentaries in the media on the issue but few of them have considered the pertinent questions that would have helped Nigerians see what Senator Ningi sought to achieve by essentially stirring up a hornests’ nest.

To start with, Ningi is not just a Senator of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. He is a ranking Senator with vast experience in legislative business. Ningi was first elected to the House of Representatives at the beginning of the Fourth Republic in 1999 and is one of the longest serving federal lawmakers in Nigeria. He was the Majority Leader in the House of Representatives between 2003 and 2007, and Deputy Majority Leader in the Senate for another four years between 2011 and 2015. Those were privileged positions that made him a Principal Officer in both chambers of the National Assembly. That also means that the Bauchi Senator has participated actively in the passage of the federal budgets at the highest level.

With his experience from all those privileged positions in his long tour of duty at the National Assembly, Ningi understands the nitty-gritty of the legislative and Appropriation processes in both Chambers of Parliament.

Also, as a Distinguished Senator, he has unfettered access to all legislative documents. So it should be disturbing when a Senator of that calibre claimed that there were two versions of the 2024 budget and that the budget, which he actively participated in its passage, was padded with projects costed at trillions of Naira and skewed against his own section of the country.

Let’s note at this point that Ningi never said in his hell-raising BBC (Hausa Service) interview or at that Tuesday Plenary or in any of his subsequent media shows that he was denied access to the budget document, whether as proposed by the Executive or as passed by the two Chambers of the National Assembly. He has the entire document, like every other Senator or Member of the House of Representatives.

Are you not wondering then why he didn’t raise his observations when the document was being processed and during the final passage by the two Chambers?

Given his many years in parliament, it is incredible that Senator Ningi said at that Tuesday Plenary that he didn’t know the full details of the budget. Even more so the claims that he was unaware that the National Assembly jerked up the original budget proposals by N1.2 trillion, from N27.5 trillion to N28.7 trillion, and that he had no knowledge of Statutory transfers of N3.32 trillion to Government institutions and agencies on first line charge.

And curiously, Senator Ningi has not stressed in his media campaign the fact that he is a member of the Senate Appropriation Committee, which anchored the processing of the national budget in parliament. So he is familiar with the document, its content and processing more than many other of his colleague Senators.

The 2024 Appropriation Bill was signed into law on 31st December, 2023. But Ningi waited until 7th March, 2024 to rally some members of the Northern Senators’ Forum (NSF) to complain to the President of the Senate, Godswill Obot Akpabio, about the budget. Why did it take an experienced ranking Senator and a member of the Senate Appropriation Committee two months and seven days after passage to realised that something was amiss with the Appropriation Bill, which is often the most important law passed by Parliament? Why did Ningi wait that long after the Bill had been signed into law to hire a consultant (for N30 million) to scrutinise a document that was presented to the National Assembly on 29th November, 2023?

It was commendable that Senator Ningi at least drew the attention of the Senate President to his “discoveries,” however belatedly.

The Senate President asked to see the details of the “discoveries” made by the consultant. A fellow member of the NSF, Distinguished Senator Ali Ndume, said he also asked Ningi for the same information. But rather than availing them with it, Ningi headed to BBC Hausa Service, the day after the meeting with the Senate President, to grant his explosive interview. Why? And why BBC Hausa Service? Was it to play the ethnic card?

The members of the NSF at the meeting with the Senate President agreed on the need to establish the facts before any further step was taken. So why was Senator Ningi impatient to have his claims verified, even by members of his own Forum, and exhaust internal mechanism for correction of any anomaly before escalating it to an international audience?

Senator Ningi has said repeatedly that the “discoveries” are known to him and only him alone. He has exclusive knowledge of the report of the consultant that he hired, most likely in the name of the NSF. No other member of the Forum is privy to the findings of the consultant. Isn’t that awkward?

Why is he keeping the “findings” to himself? Why is he reluctant to share them with even Distinguished Senators in his Forum?

Some of them implored him to apologise at the Plenary after his claims had been established to be fictitious. But rather than heed their advise, Senator Ningi flew from the main issue to unrelated matters like the take home pay of the Senate President and the number of aides the Senate President and other Principal Officers have! Why?

According to the Senate Leader, Michael Opeyemi Bamidele, Ningi’s astonishing fiction was merely the opening salvo in a plot for Senate leadership change. As it turned out, that plot failed because the protagonist has no backing of any group in the Upper Chamber, not even of the Forum he chaired before the gambit forced him to step aside from the chair.

Awoniyi, Media Aide to Senate President, writes from Abuja

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2027: Echocho, Service to ‘kingdom on bended knees’ and the way to go

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Senator Jibrin Isah Echocho representing Kogi East Senatorial District

By Atekojo Samson Usman

It is obvious that the political sad story of Igala Kingdom in Kogi East today is traceable to travesty and malady of the past gullible leaders and not realizing to proffer solution would continue to elongate illusion of desires and opportunities.

Kogi East politically is on bended knees desiring to be rescued not just to take over governance at the State level which it assumed for 16 years, but how well such lofty opportunities are harnessed to advance the wellbeing of the Igala/Bassa nation and by extension Kogi State generally.

The only string of joy the Igala/Bassa Kingdom has currently is the strong and virile representation at the 10th Senate being saddled by Senator Jibrin Isah Echocho. If he wasn’t such a committed and passionate Senator, it would have been such a traumatic and worrisome development for Kogi East that was once the pride of the State and the nation in general.

Alas, indicators have shown that the Kingdom’s nightmares are far from over or its readiness to reboot the political sagacity that was once in vogue in the days of Dr Steven Makoji Achema of the blessed memory and the late Prince Abubakar Audu, given the web of dangerous politicking pervading the land out of utter hatred for each other.

The 2027 general election is fast approaching and the Kogi East’s seeming hemorrhage of ideas on what to do at all strata of politics would pose “no change”, and dangerously too, that some sponsored social media irritants are well bent on desecrating political leaders and engaging in pull him down subterfuge. Sadly, opinion moulders have disappeared from the scene, even as ‘wise men from the East’ are nowhere to be found to encourage the political leaders who are doing well and to offer counsel on way forward.

At this critical times, one expects that a modicum of intelligence would understand that Senator Echocho’s legislative activities in the Senate since 2019 has been the only saving grace, hence, offering him ‘the first of right refusal’ for the 2027 general election should be the way to go for now.

It is axiomatic that the 2027 general election which every ‘Jack Robinsons’ are sponsoring campaign of calumnies as strategies to reposition themselves to contest the 2027 Senate can only be safe with Senator Jibrin Isah Echocho. This is because, it would be too costly to trade away Kogi East representation at the Senate, and given that it is the only highest political office for Igala/Bassa kingdom for now.

Criticism of political office holders at all level is good if it is done constructively, but in the case where fact speaks for itself in terms of performance in office, ‘res ipsa loquitor’, then criticism becomes destructive if it is done to purposely paint the leader as the demon hindering the progress of Igala/Bassa land.

Statistics show that Kogi East with nine Local Government Councils is one of the highest Senatorial flank in the country, hence, any representative at the Red Chamber of the National Assembly must be more than a servant leader to dutifully serve the people.

Entrusting the Senatorial District to an untrusted and untested hand as the Kingdom approach the 2027 general election would be a risk and more than a political suicide at this precarious time. That is why wisdom demands that the people, the socio-cultural group, religious groups and political stakeholders should rally round the political leaders for support, ask questions on their activities where some issues are unclear in order to move the Kingdom forward.

Of particular interest in this piece is the Kogi East Senatorial District currently occupied by Senator Jibrin Isah Echocho, who one could proudly say has been doing surprisingly well at the Red Chamber and back home in the district. Any adult who was a living witness to the debut of democracy in 1999 till date is challenged to place performance index of Kogi East Senators side by side and you will discover that none in the past is match for the current Senator. Let the truth be told for once!

Though, this is an opinionated piece, if this is believed ‘hook line and sinker’ as could be seen in motions, resolutions the Senator has sponsored in his first and second term of office and the massive constituency projects in the district as well as personal and official intervention in dire conditions of the constituents, one would discover that the narrative has changed.

Before the Senate went on Sallah and Easter recess, Senator Echocho sponsored a bill to establish National Cashew Production and Research Institute to be cited at Idah in Kogi East. The bill has passed first reading on the floor of the Red Chamber and one expect Cashew Produce association, stakeholders and traditional rulers not only to be excited, but rally round the Senator to ensure that the bill is passed into the law.

This is notwithstanding the fact that the proposed National Cashew Production and research Institute comes with job opportunities as well as infrastructural development in Igala/Bassa land.

Lawmaking encompasses participation of the constituents as they have opportunity to participate in public hearing after the bill has passed second reading before the third reading. It is important to see good things in one who is doing well on his beat and if he seeks a return, it is good enough to grant it.

One of the advantages of returning a lawmaker is that a bill he sponsored and is passed into law, if it is not assented to by the President for it to become an act, the same bill would have accelerated hearing to its passage if re-presented.

Atekojo Samson Usman is a journalist and writes from Abuja. He can be reached through: ateko2007@gmail.com

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Security: The Nuhu Ribadu formula

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By Zayyad I. Muhammad

Before the emergence of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s administration, Nigeria’s security architecture was grappling with deeply entrenched challenges, particularly in the Northwest and Southeast regions.

The situation had deteriorated to alarming levels, with criminal elements and secessionist movements establishing a disturbing level of control in certain areas.

In the Northwest, banditry had evolved from sporadic attacks to the full-scale occupation of territories. Vast stretches of land, especially in states like Kaduna, Zamfara, and Niger, fell under the influence of heavily armed groups.

The Abuja-Kaduna highway which was once a vital economic and commuter route, became a perilous stretch, notorious for frequent kidnappings and ambushes.

The security threats extended further, with the Kaduna–Birnin Gwari–Lagos road effectively shut down due to sustained bandit activity. Even commercial life suffered significantly; the Birnin Gwari cattle market, a major hub for livestock trade, was forced to cease operations under the pressure of violence and extortion.

Meanwhile, in the Southeast, the situation was compounded by the secessionist agitation led by the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB).

Through fear and coercion, IPOB succeeded in enforcing a weekly sit-at-home directive across several states in the region, paralyzing economic activities every Monday. Businesses were shuttered, schools closed, and the freedom of movement was severely curtailed, undermining both governance and development efforts.

This was the grim reality inherited by the Tinubu administration. However, at the heart of the renewed fight against insecurity stands a strategic recalibration: what many now refer to as the “Nuhu Ribadu Formula.”

As National Security Adviser, Ribadu brought a fresh, intelligence-driven approach to tackling Nigeria’s security woes. With an emphasis on coordination among security agencies, restoration of public confidence, and targeted offensives against criminal enclaves, his methods have begun yielding tangible results.

While challenges persist, especially in remote and hard-to-reach areas, the difference in tone and trajectory is becoming increasingly clear. The Ribadu-led security strategy has not only focused on reclaiming territory but also on addressing the root causes of unrest; be it poverty, weak governance, or community grievances. It is this multidimensional and proactive approach that may well define Nigeria’s path to lasting peace and stability.

Mallam Nuhu Ribadu, the National Security Adviser, has been pivotal in reshaping Nigeria’s national security framework through a clear and strategic vision built on three foundational pillars.

The first is the carrot-and-stick approach, which balances kinetic (military force) and non-kinetic (dialogue, reconciliation, and development) strategies. This dual-pronged method recognizes that not all security threats can be resolved through force alone.

By combining targeted military operations with community engagement and deradicalization efforts, the approach aims to neutralize threats while addressing the root causes of violence.

The second strategy is a shift from rhetoric to action, a deliberate move away from endless briefings and political grandstanding towards concrete, measurable outcomes.

Under Ribadu’s watch, security interventions are now judged not by promises, but by performance. The focus is on restoring peace, reclaiming lost territories, and enabling displaced persons to return to their communities.

Third is the promotion of synergy and intelligence sharing among security agencies. Previously plagued by inter-agency rivalry and fragmented operations, Nigeria’s security forces are now operating with improved coordination.
Through unified command structures and shared intelligence platforms, responses have become faster, more precise, and increasingly proactive.

These strategies have already begun to yield visible results. The recent resurgence of attacks in Plateau and Benue States, as well as isolated Boko Haram assaults on soft targets in Borno and Adamawa, were swiftly countered using the same framework. Rapid deployment of forces, community-based intelligence, and coordinated operations prevented escalation and restored calm.

Still, the road to full recovery is a gradual one. While the machinery of state security has clearly been retooled, the average citizen may not immediately perceive these gains. Part of the challenge lies in the persistence of outdated or unverified reports in some sections of the media, which can paint a distorted picture of the current realities. Nevertheless, those on the ground, especially in previously hard-hit areas, are beginning to sense a shift.

The “Nuhu Ribadu Formula” is proving to be more than just a tactical adjustment; it is an evolving doctrine that prioritizes effectiveness, accountability, and collaboration. With sustained implementation and public support, it could well become the blueprint for enduring peace in Nigeria.

Zayyad I. Muhammad writes from Abuja, zaymohd@yahoo.com, 08036070980

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