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Attempts to rewrite Igala history: Issues in perspectives

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By Prince Akogwu Omaga

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It was the famous German writer/philosopher, Johann Wolfang Van Goeth who said, “He who cannot draw on three thousand years is living from hand to mouth.”

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The quotation above raises many questions because to trace your lineage to three thousand years is a difficult task, many people do not even know their family tree to the 10th generation, especially in Africa where documented records have been largely limited.

However, archeological discoveries are helping to decipher the migration from the Upper and Lower Nile. Even though, the history of Africans and Igala people is clearly embedded in the Khemet civilizations, it was written and rewritten in different ways by early European writers as such; there are many versions of the history of the people whose forebears have lived beside the two Nigeria’s monumental rivers Benue and Niger for centuries.

Some of the early documented histories were written by writers whose sources of information remained questionable and also fall short of historical facts due to existing evidences to suggest otherwise. Some versions were written by early Nigerians historians who relied majorly on the works of European whose source of information is less than credible. It is not easy to deduce that some historians and writers were driven by the quest to deconstruct and rewrite in favour of certain ethnic group to alter fundamental truth about Ancient Egyptian.

Thus, it is easy to figure out why some historians and early writers referred to Igala as a sub-Yoruba group, some claimed that the Igala people and their kingship is of Benin origin and others said Igala came out of Jukun. There are also others who claimed that the inhabitants of the present Igala enclave were Igbos and Yoruba before Jukun came and acculturated them and that is how Igala language came about.

These historical falsehood gains ground and accepted to the extent that many modern day writers continue to quote historical falsehood and you know lies told many times takes the resemblance of truth. While the Igala people had had relationship with these groups in the course of time and history, there is nothing to suggest that these outrageous claims represent the true history of the Igala people.

The Ife and Nok civilizations are cultures that were brought down from Egypt, though some claimed Yemen and Mecca due to Ifa oracle words that appeared the same.

However, archeological evidences is pointing to the fact that the Lower and the Upper Nile referred to as Khemet (the black land) now called Egypt was the cradle of black civilization before dispersal to West Africa and other regions within the continent. The Igala history of migration from Egypt is not in doubt and it remained the only ethnic group in Nigeria that retained the ancient Nilotic culture completely, which can be seen from the customary rites to ascension of an Attah Igala, costume of Igala royalty, the pattern of the journey of no return of an Attah and most remarkably Igala words resemblance with those of the Ancient Egypt language and of course other ancient languages across the world like the Arabic, Jews, Greek and Spanish.

The fact is that Igala also called (Gala/ Gara) as an ethnic group is reckoned as one of the ancient groups in the Upper and Lower Nile Valley, and an Igala sub-clan of Igalaogba greeted ANU are still recognized through archeological excavations as one of the ancient sub-Igala cum Khemetic group in Ancient Egypt up till these days. The Igalamela sub-Igala clan is a rich repository and custodian of Nilotic cultures and Igala Kingship heritage brought from Egypt and the Ife people who are found in the Benue valley remained the realistic face of the civilizations and heritages that is akin to the Benin, Yoruba, Igala, Nupe, Plateau and Southern Kaduna ethnic groups and other groups whose ancestors were among those who sojourned in Wukari after their earlier meeting of Igala by Jukun in the present Borno axis in the course of migration from Egypt.

I was compelled to write this treatise because there had been no time that the history of Igala people have been told by neighbors (other ethnic groups) based on falsehood or half truth, that is continually peddled, for some it is the quest for ethnic superiority and for others it is for political and economic advantage at the expense of Igala people who have been deprived of their status and sense of belonging lately.

Upon the Federal High Court judgment last year (2020) which ceded the ownership of Ajaokuta, Lokoja and Koton Karfe to Igala kingdom, the media space especially the social media became a veritable platform to write different versions of history which from all indications fall short of historical facts and available evidences. The story of migration of Ebira Koto and Ebira Tao people were riddled with gaps and holes. For instance, the Ohimege of Koton Karfe claimed that the Igala people and Ebira Koto and Ebira Okene migrated from Yemen and sojourned in Wukari before coming to Idah and subsequently, relocated to their present abode in protest because their forebears were not considered for the Attah Igala kingship stool, nothing can be farther from the truth.

Even though, there is a school of thought, which is of the opinion that the Ebira people were part of Abutu Ejeh famous migration from Wukari to Idah. The notion that the Igala people were ruled by Igalamela chiefs prior and that the stool of Attah Igala kingship was founded by Abutu Ejeh and his kiths and kins does not represent historical facts available.

The Igalaogba, Ife and Igalamela clans have sojourned at the areas of Rivers Benue and Niger for many centuries. The work of the famous archeologist, Thurstan Shaw indicated that Idah the seat of Igala kingdom is dated to the 9th century and at the moment attention is shifting to Ife land in the Benue Valley as the cradle of civilization of those with Ife and Nok cultures which predates Idah.

The Attah Igala stool was instituted by these Igala clans many centuries earlier not about 400-500 years ago that Abutu Ejeh led the migration from Wukari to Idah. Infact, the stool was rotated between Igalamela and Igalaogba and the seat of power was at Opu Attah an enclave that still exists at the heart of Idah native town. The Ife people who refused to proceed to Idah in the course of an earlier migration remained in Ife by the Benue Valley and had launched the bid to take the Attah Kingship stool from Olema II who forcefully took over through revolt after against the wishes and will of all members of his Igalaogba clan and Igalamela clan as it was agreed to chose from among Ife people.

This was the situation before Abutu Ejeh and his entourage came to Idah, therefore, it is hard to imagine that the Ebira people ever had the privilege to contest for Attah Igala Kingship stool at the time they followed Abutu Ejeh from Wukari to Idah even though there are no record to suggest that the Ebiras were part of the flight to Amagede enroute Idah even though our very unreliable or insufficient oral tradition does agree. Whatsoever was the case, the Igala people had settled across in the left and right sides of Rivers Benue and Niger before Abutu Ejeh came from the Upper Benue River.

There were Igala settlements in Igu now Koton-Karfe and indeed among the people of Koton-Karfe are those whose forebears lived in Igu before the people who call themselves Ebira today came to live among them about 400 years ago. That is why Umaisha (Ohelewu) the second Panda Kingdom instituted by Attah Igala after Igu and Abaji. Ohelewu is the original name of Umaisha, an Igala enclave across River Benue. When Kogi State was created in 1991 some groups from Doma Kingdom, the Alago people protested and demanded to join Kogi State because of their Igala ancestry. J.S. Boston, excursion and research to Doma Kingdom in the 1960s reveals and buttress the notion that the left and rights sides of Rivers Benue and Niger were Igala settlements. “the core or proper Igala people controlled the major parts of Nigeria then” (Boston, J.S, The Igala Kingdom, Nigerian Institute of Social and Economic Research, Oxford University Press, 1968; & Clifford, G.M.).

The same way Lokoja the confluence of the two monumental rivers in Africa was an Igala settlement. Ajaokuta as the name denotes is an Igala name and the aboriginal people who live in Ajaokuta are Igala along that way to Agenebode, Ifeku, Emu, Illah and Asaba were Igala settlements at the early time. Though, Igala lost all these settlements along the Rivers Benue and Niger due to imaginary and artificial boundaries created by the Europeans, the British colonial masters. Ajaokuta and Lokoja were not lost in such circumstances, it was leasing and at the request of Queen Victoria for farm resettlement that Ajaokuta was given out and were strategic Igala settlements from the earliest time. There were Igala settlements in Ihima area more than 450 years ago because the Igalaogba, Ife and Igalamela groups after many centuries move out to populate many open spaces far beyond 500 years that the Ebiras claimed they came from Wukari with Abutu Ejeh.

On Ajaokuta issues about the first settlers continued to surface on the public space before the vital judgment. The British colonial government was confronted with the repercussion of the balkanization of Igala territory not only about sphere of influence but that people who lived in these places and are first settlers. An investigation by Mr Dewar and Attah of Igbirra, Ibrahim Onoruoiza in the late 1930s resulted in these findings and proposals that: Ajaokuta is a cosmopolitan village founded by Igala from the opposite bank of the Niger. The first village head was Obansa, an Igala. The Attah Ibrahim at the time propose to appoint the eldest surviving son of Obansa (The Igala man) by name Labiyo (Ila-biyo) to the Village headship and presidency of a strong council. Anything Igbirra councilor from Okene to supervise local administration is to be avoided for it will not be accepted by the people. Even though the decision taken at the time was not firm because river was not a natural boundary for Igala people from the time in memorial, as stated earlier, they lived on both left and right sides of Rivers Benue and Niger.While the findings and proposals clearly denotes the obvious facts of ownership of Ajaokuta land by Igala people. The 28 February 1939 memorandum No. 851/19A sent to the Secretary of Northern Province and copied the District Officer of Igbirra Division and the Acting Resident in which paragraph 5, an excerpt stated that: As Ajaokuta is not directly affected by Igbirra law and custom is a enough reason. The memorandum fall short of resolving the issue eternally by returning the community to Igala traditional council at the time in 1939. Invariably, British colonial government’s preference to use the Rivers Niger and Benue as natural boundary affected many Igala people and their heritages; some were compelled to adopt other cultures and languages that are not Igala in Delta, Anambara, Edo, Nasarawa States, Benue, Cross River States etc (The 28th February, 1939 MEMO to the Secretary of Northern Nigeria).

On the issue of ownership of Lokoja, there is no contest over this historical fact that it was indeed an Igala settlement. Attah Ameh Ocheje was the one who gave Lokoja to the British for 700,000 coweries out of which 160,000 coweries equivalent of forty five pounds at the time. The balance was not paid until the expiration of the lease agreement 99 years after. The treaty was titled: The treaty between the Queen of England and Igala Country. Queen of Britain was represented by Bundus Trotter, Commander William Allen and William Cooks Esquire and the representatives of Attah Igala. The treaty document can still be found at Arewa House, Kaduna, Kaduna State, British Archive in London and Attah Igala Palace, Idah.

Before Lokoja became the Federal Capital of Nigeria, Lord Lugard stayed in Itobe and Ajaokuta. The cenotaphs in memory of Nigerian soldiers who fought in the First and Second World Wars (1914-1918; 1939-1945), the weapons used during Nigeria-Cameroon War (1914) and East Africa (1918), at the cenotaph in Lokoja it was clearly stated that Lokoja was under Itobe, a centre of commerce under Attah Igala leadership. The relics of Lokoja said it all. The names of communities like Ganaja was coined from Anaja an Igala Naval Chief who was assigned there in 1831 by Attah Ekele Aga and Adankolo was from the name of an Igala chief called Ada Okolo (Omachoko, F. Arise Igala Magazine, May-June, 2020, Issue 56)

The idea of using the influence of the federal government to shortchange the Igala people to collect their heritage and give to Ebira people cannot stand because there are overwhelming evidences to support the claims of Attah Igala to ownership of Ajaokuta, Lokoja,and Koton Karfe. Igala cannot be deprived of the patrimony of their forbears by those who graciously benefit from their kind gestures. A political leader, a president or governor who refused to acknowledge the facts of Igala history and ownership of these communities and decide to stampede the Igala people will not win the battle at the long run. Let me point out here that, Igala nation was recognized by international law as evident in different treaties it signed with Great Britain as a sovereign power on equal parity of which J.S. Boston described Igala as “holding all the ramifications and accoutrements of sovereignty and political authority. The British authority acknowledges Igala nation state under the suzerainty of the Attah Igala, with a territory that encompass largely what we have today as Federal Republic of Nigeria. Sultan Bello, of the Sokoto Caliphate admitted this fact of history which was well alluded in Burdo Adolf’s Voyage up the Niger and Benue –London 1880, Journal of African Society Vol.7, 1907. They know and understand that the territories within and at both banks of the Rivers Niger and Benue to far flung territories all the way down to the ocean belong to the Attah Igala (Oguche, F. Legal Approach to Recover the Lost Dignity and Position of Igala People, Arise Magazine 2020, Vol. 56). From the foregoing, it is understandable why communities that are now cities of Port-Harcourt and Calabar were originally called Igala: Igu-Ocha (Port-Harcourt) and Atakpa (Calabar).

The history of a legendary figure called Abutu Ejeh who became synonymous with the Ancient city of Idah and often mentioned and represented as a Jukun even though his names and those of his children were Igala. I can understand why, but cannot accept it because it fall short and fail to poses the semblance of historical fact in concrete term. Now, who is Abutu Ejeh? He was referred to as a Jukun prince who lost out in the bid to assume the stool of Aku Uka of Wukari by European writers and was continuously quoted by those who never bother to embark on further research on their own to find out especially that Jukun and Igala don’t bore similar names despite the confederation which started from the Borno axis to Wukari by the Upper Benue. Let look back at our history of migration and early interaction with Jukun.

There are still footprints of Igala people in Borno with the famous kinship stool of Attah Gara Gwoza and the relics at Ngala in the present Borno State. It was upon the Jukun meeting of Igala groups at Borno region and signing of a security pact with Jukun, that confederacy was established. They later moved to the present area of the Upper Benue (Wukari) as a seat of the confederation. It was in Wukari axis that disagreement ensued because Jukun warriors insisted they should produce the king. The Igalaogba and Ife people were the first groups who left Wukari for Ife by the Benue Valley where they stayed for sometimes, many others cross over on the left sides of Rivers Benue and Niger in the present Nasarawa state axis. The Igalaogba and Ife people had muted the idea of starting the Attah kingship by the Benue valley before Igalaogba people left for Idah and subsequently Igalamela people moved down perhaps sailed through River Benue to Ife in the Benue Valley and proceeded to Idah where the Attah kingship stool was instituted. While it is not clear why the groups migrated from Wukari so early, but it can be attributed to the growing population and the struggle for resources and perhaps, the conscription of their children as fighters/warriors and perhaps the attempt by Jukun to rule a people who came with a rich royalty from the Lower and Upper Nile.

It is not difficult to decipher that the forebears of Abutu Ejeh who from all indication were of Igala royal clan had ruled in the Borno axis in the earliest attempt to establish the Attah people dynasty, (father of all), they refused to move along and preferred to remain at Wukari until many failed attempt to reinvent the Igala dynasty of the so called confederation (Quorarafa later corrupted by Hausa in Kano who were victims of invasions by Jukun and Igala warriors who later settled in the present Bebeji, Yankassai and other locations in Kano. Now let go back to Abutu Ejeh more often referred to as a prince of Jukun royal court. Abutu Ejeh certainly cannot be a Jukun man just because he came from Wukari. The Igala groups in the Lower Benue and Niger Valley had also lived in Wukari centuries and left many groups beside River Benue as they migrate down to Ife enroute Idah. Abutu Ejeh ancestors refused to follow his kith and kins that had left Wukari many centuries earlier to Idah through Ife by the Benue Valley. Abutu is not a name that is commonly attributed to Jukun, likewise Ejeh, Amichi (Ebulejonu), Idoko, Ayegba, Names are very important and can be glean when people preserve their three of knowledge. The family three was among the first tree of knowledge. Jukun names are quite very different from Igala names and one should not find it difficult to realize that anytime there is migration some people for one reason or the other do not join the migration. Abutu Ejeh ancestors and others did not moved with the Igalaogba and Ife groups at the earliest time and also the later migration of Igalamela group to Idah. Today, we still have people of Igala descent at Askia-Uba, Ngala and Atagara in Borno State. Some can still be found in Wukari in Taraba State, there is Atagara in Yobe and Kebbi respectively whose forebears did not migrate to Idah. Thus it’s not enough to conclude that because Abutu Ejeh came from Wukari, he is a Jukun descent. Why? Everything about Abutu Ejeh and his children points to the fact of Igala origin even though he may have arrived with those who have Jukun origin or mixture of Jukun and Igala parentage (Abdullahi, Ayegba; (2019), Indigenous Igala People, How Many States Can We Found You in Nigeria and Beyond).

Even though many writers have advanced the notion that Abutu Ejeh was a Jukun therefore place Jukun ahead of Igala. In contrast, Jukun royalty acknowledges the fact that their forebears met the Igala people in Borno. J.S Boston who did a great of research in the 1960s described the Jukun as Ahel Dirk, he called the Gara Aborigines. Erroneously in a book titled: Nigeria: The Jewish Dominated Nation described the Jukun as the parent stock: “The Agabaidu of Wukari (Kwararafa Kingdom) in Taraba State Nigeria called Aku Uka. The present stock for most Edomites spreading to many parts of Nigeria and West African regions are the Jukuns whose king is Agabaidu, Aku Uka of Wukari”. Looking at the Ancient Egyptian people, there is no where that Jukun was mentioned but Ata, gala, gara, Anu (Igalaogba) were mentioned many times thus Jukun overnight supremacy was concocted to support the idea that Abutu Ejeh was a Jukun from Wukari and to rewrite Igala history that is the only link of many African and Nigerian ethnic groups to the Khemet (Ancient Egypt) see (King ,L.W. (2005), History of Egypt, https://gutenberg.org/files ).

This is not the historical fact and the present Aku Uka of Wukari acknowledges to certain facts of Igala and Jukun relationship when the Attah Igala who travelled and will never return, Attah Idakwo Ameh Oboni II visited him few years ago supposedly to pay homage. He changed his perception of Jukun ancestry of Abutu Ejeh the progenitor of Attah Ayegba dynasty and that the so called oral tradition which we often rely upon is less than credible. In fact, J.S Boston questioned Igala oral tradition when he noticed that Igala royalty knew little about people who claimed to be of Igala descent. He was never told at Idah that they were people across River Benue in the present Nasarawa State that are of Igala origin. Boston acknowledges that as far as 12th century there was migrations from Idah. Though Boston himself did not know enough when he visited Doma Kingdom that they had always had Igala people on both sides of the Rivers Benue and Nigeria as early as 7th, and 9th century when the first group of Igala migrated from the Upper Benue, Wukari to Ife by Benue valley enroute Idah.

Ayegba Abdullahi, a physicist, and the researcher that Attah Idakwo Ameh Oboni II appointed as an Igala Ambassador to reconnect all people with Igala heritages and people, at the last count has reconnected with many Igala groups across Nigeria, Africa, Caribbean and the U.S. The study of Ancient Egypt has been taken to another level, the exploits has led to many information on the lineage of man and the Ancient Egypt where the Igala (Ata) was recognized as the 4th Pharaoh of the First Dynasty of the early Khemets civilization. Just as Professor Gabriel Oyibo of the GAGUT famed said some years ago at the twilight of his Mathematical Theorem, the theory of everything of which Edith Lucid, a Professor and Mathematical physicist who worked closely with Albert Einstein said was a solution to the mathematical question that intrigue Einstein. We shall travel to Egypt to see the Nilotic and Pharaonic influence on Igala civilization and the similarity between some Igala words and Ancient Egyptian language as well as Jewish, Greek and Arabic in the course of our series.

In our next treatise, we will also look at the recent version of history attributed to Igala people to be half truth. Traditional rulers in Kogi State and ethnic organizations their quest to press home the demand for the rotation of the chairmanship of Kogi State Traditional Council which more often across other states is based on population and other factors like the life span of the throne.

Subsequently, we shall look at Igala/Benin relationship which intrigues the writer, from the famous father figure called Idu whom a street is named after in Ekenwan in the Ancient city of Benin and the father of famous Ogodomigodo. And to find out who is the legendary Iduh who came to the present Benin with a cutlass and Ife civilization?

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Opinion

Sule Lamido, PDP, and the politics of defection.

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Former Governor of Jigawa Sate,. Alhaji Sule Lamido

By: Adamu Muhd Usman

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“Success is not by our thinking, our wish, our personal opinion, or selfish aggrandisement. It is destined and accompanied by good attitudes of honesty, gratitude, commitment, perseverance, sacrifice, endurance, selflessness, and determination.
—– Sule Lamido

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When elections are approaching, political activities hasten. There has been speculation that Sule Lamido of Jigawa State will defect from the PDP and join a new party. It appears the speculators based their thinking on PDP’s unexpected devastating defeat in the 2023 general election. However, many people see the defeat as an outcome of a referendum on the PDP’s mistakes and adamant or foolish behaviour of an ordinary Nigerian, rather than a rejection verdict on the PDP, thus the party is expected to bounce back.

This is expected to happen with the help of people like Sule Lamido and other party stalwarts. Nonetheless, with speculation rife, it’s pertinent to ask, will Sule Lamido lead a revolt to ditch the PDP and form a new party or join SDP as H.E. Malam Nasir El-Rufai calls for?

Knowing Lamido’s styles of leadership and political antecedents, notably his being and ardent disciple of late Mallam Aminu Kano of blessed memory one may without mincing words say that Sule Lamido will not leave PDP he helped to give birth to; nurtured and played a very prominent role in.

The above assertion is provided by the fact that Sule Lamido does not have a history of inconsistencies in his political career, and he is not a politician that takes decisions based on the desire to play to the gallery.

Furthermore, Lamido, being one of the founding fathers of the PDP and a man with well-established connections, with political friends and associates all over and who enjoys tremendous support across the country, is not likely going to ditch the PDP.

If Lamido wanted to leave the PDP, he could have done it with the G7 governors who defected to the All Progressive Congress (APC) in 2014/2015. And, Lamido could have been one of the most celebrated ‘defectors’ the APC would now be flaunting.

Some people have mistakenly interpreted the recent news story of the former Kaduna state governor, H.E. Malam Nasir El-Rufai, defecting from APC to SDP, whereby he called bigwigs, though he dares not to mention the name of Sule Lamido in his list or invitation because he knows perfectly well Lamido’s space to that regard is a no-go area. But Lamido has dispelled the rumours via the interview he granted with the British Broadcasting Cooperation (BBC) Hausa service.

Governor Lamido asserted, I have no intention to leave the party. We dey kampe for PDP; we dey shelele for PDP. PDP has honoured and dignified me, and I am not leaving it for tenants. I am from a home background while others are from mere house backgrounds. We are well-groomed right from our homes, and we will not leave the party for anyone, especially for anger.

This is not a time for a blame game; the PDP should all accept that they made mistakes and find ways to correct them in the future.”

What people should best expect from Sule Lamido is rebuilding, reorganising, re-energising, and remodelling the PDP into a strong opposition party for the ruling APC. For instance, Lamido is well experienced in the art of politicking and governance; he will for sure lead other PDP founding fathers and party adherents to rebrand the party. Those that were instrumental in destroying the fabric that makes the PDP a strong national party may sooner or later become inactive in the party because they do not have the party in their hearts. Only causing trouble in order to be relevant and satisfy their pocket.

Sule Lamido has unequivocally assured their teaming supporters, party followers, and other stakeholders that he has no plans to join another party, leave the PDP, or allow intruders and interlopers to take over the house they have laboured to build.

The big question is, what should they do to correct their mistakes and reengineer a new beginning for the PDP?

Firstly, political pundits strongly believe that Sule Lamido and his likes will make sure the PDP returns to its cherished initial status—accommodating all people across the nations, running on democratic ideals that allow dissent and contrary views, but moves in harmony and as a family.

Secondly, Lamido will work painstakingly to rebrand the PDP and restore its hitherto attractive national ‘face.’ The PDP is like a bee, with six legs; once one leg is removed, the party becomes handicapped, unattractive, and motionless. This is what the intruders’ and interlopers that besieged the party do not understand.

Thirdly, Lamido is an expert in persuasion, trust building, patiently listening to contrary views, and also a political guru.

These skills of Lamido will be highly useful in time to come in order to return the PDP to the foundation on which its founding fathers built it.

The PDP will not regain its position as a strong and nationally spread political party without having individuals who share the spirit of the founding fathers of the party, individuals who passionately believe in one of the preambles of its constitution: “To mobilise like-minded Nigerians under the leadership of the party to build a nation responsive to the aspirations of its people, able to satisfy the just hopes and aspirations of the Black people of the world, and to gain the confidence of the nations.”

Many of PDP’s followers trust that Sule Lamido will be one of the like-minded individuals that will lead the way in the reclamation of the PDP’s lost glory.

Dr. Sule Lamido (CON) will remain in the PDP. He had the opportunity to defect, but he did not because he believes that defection is not the best way to develop and entrench democracy.

Whatever you see today is designed by God. It is not compulsory to be on the winning side always. One can see the spirit of patience and willingness to accept the will of the people in the duo of Lamido. Many Nigerians are expecting the duo to lead in the rebirth of the PDP, rather than ditching it.

Remember, Lamido is a party Founding Father, one of the original stoics who defied the brutal military dictatorship and formed a patriotic group of committed democrats that later formed the nucleus of the PDP.

Sule Lamido is among the nine people (G9) who formed the Peoples Democratic Party, PDP, in 1998 along with Senator Iyorchia Ayu, Professor Jerry Gana, the late Dr. Alex Ekwueme, the late Mallam Adamu Ciroma, the late Chief Solomon Lar, the late Chief Bola Ige, the late Senator Ella, and the late Alhaji Abubakar Rimi. They confronted former Head of State, the late General Sani Abacha, on the need to quit the office and allow democracy to prosper.

Lamido and Rimi were picked and locked up in DSS cells, Rimi in Ilorin and Lamido in Maiduguri. They were only released after the sudden demise of Abacha.

Lamido, Jerry Gana, and Iyorchia Ayu are the lone PDP founding fathers still alive and on the landscape in politics and PDP.

Lamido has been consistent in PDP. He displays his sagacity in full force. He also deployed his unmatched energy and political skills in campaigning for PDP candidates from the top to the bottom from 1999 to date.

He has a history of radically confronting the military junta of Abacha for the sake of restoring democracy (PDP) to Nigeria, and he was sent to jail several times during the PRP days and the military era.

Lamido was imprisoned for his emancipation of the masses. Some of these things will give him an edge and advantage over other compatriots on the corridor of Nigerian politics and the PDP.

Lamido’s almost five decades of experience in the rough terrain of Nigerian politics is being brought to bear in this election cycle. He is so often in the news for a combination of reasons, including his imposing physical presence, his simple style of doing things, and his solid records of commitment, loyalty, achievements, consistency, and sacrifice, etc., to PDP since its creation in 1998 to date.

Sule Lamido is one of the most experienced politicians in Nigeria and is arguably the most successful governor in Nigeria since 1999 to date. Before then, he was a former unionist (PRP national youth leader), Social Democratic Party (SDP) national secretary, the party that made the late chief abiola to win as a president in the most freest, fairest, credible and peaceful election in Nigeria, a parliamentarian, and a former diplomat (minister). He has made a lot of sacrifices for this country, Nigeria. His contributions have reunited and reawakened Nigeria, and as far as politics is concerned, Lamido is one person you cannot bury or shove away.

Sule Lamido always says his mind, which in all cases aligns with the interests of the common man. He never succumbs to sentiments. He was never accused of bigotry or nepotism. He is a nationalist, liberal.

May Allah continue to prolong and preserve your life’s span. Lamido will keep working for Nigeria for the rest of his life to be peaceful, efficient, united, progressive, and great (excel).

May Nigeria rise again and work positively well. 2027 is a testing year for Nigeria. May God see us through and make it easy for us.

Adamu writes from Kafin-Hausa, Jigawa State.

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“We are all Natasha”: Senator’s sexual harassment claims roil Nigeria

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By Eromo Egbejule in Abidjan

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Last July, Nigeria’s third-most powerful man gave a rare apology on the floor of the senate which he heads.
Godswill Akpabio had chastised his colleague Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan for speaking out of turn, saying: “We are not in a nightclub”. But after receiving what he said was a deluge of insulting text messages from Nigerians, he apologised publicly a few days later.

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In recent weeks, the two have been at the centre of a political row that has gripped the country, after an interview that Akpoti-Uduaghan gave to the broadcaster Arise TV in late February in which she accused Akpabio of sexual harassment.

She alleged that in one incident, Akpabio had told her that a motion she was trying to advance could be put to the senate if she “took care” of him. In another, she said that on a tour of his house he had told her – while holding her hand – “I’m going to create time for us to come spend quality moments here. You will enjoy it.”
Akpabio has denied the allegations.

Akpoti-Uduaghan submitted a petition to the senate alleging sexual harassment, but on 6 March the ethics committee struck it out on procedural grounds. It also handed her a six-month suspension without pay, citing her “unruly and disruptive” behaviour during an unrelated argument in the senate about seating arrangements.

The accusations have dominated conversations and highlighted longstanding women’s rights issues in the socially conservative country, where no woman has ever been elected governor, vice-president or president.

Only four women serve in the 109-member senate, a drop from the seven female senators elected in 2015. The number of women in the 360-member House of Representatives has also declined, from 22 in 2015 to 17.

In a phone interview from New York on Monday last week, hours before speaking on the matter at a joint session of the Inter-Parliamentary Union and UN Women, Akpoti-Uduaghan railed against her suspension.
“This was orchestrated to silence my voice,” she said. “That action is an assault on democracy … I am not apologising for speaking my truth.”

Women’s rights groups have condemned her suspension, and hundreds of women and girls marched in the states of Lagos, Enugu, Edo and Kaduna on Wednesday during a “We are all Natasha” protest convened by the civil society coalition Womanifesto.

“Her suspension and the process that led to it was a shambolic show of shame,” said Ireti Bakare-Yusuf, a radio broadcaster and founder of the non-profit Purple Women Foundation, which is part of Womanifesto.

Ahmed Tijani Ibn Mustapha, a spokesperson for Akpabio, said Akpoti-Uduaghan’s petition alleging sexual harassment had not followed guidelines because she had authored and signed it herself rather than asking another senator to do so.

He also said that after she had refiled the petition correctly, the senate began a four-week investigation into the claims.

Akpoti-Uduaghan, an opposition People’s Democratic party (PDP) senator from the central state of Kogi, first tried to enter politics in 2019 with a run for Kogi governor. Thugs reportedly loyal to the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) jeered her during the campaign, calling her a sex worker, and on one occasion attacking her and her driver. “This is definitely not an election,” she told reporters at the time. “This is almost like a war zone.”
Four years later, on the eve of the senate election she was contesting, portions of the main roads leading to her district were excavated overnight. She accused the APC of attempting to prevent her from campaigning. Authorities said they were protecting residents against terrorist attacks, citing a December 2022 bomb blast by an Islamic State affiliate.

She lost the election, but in November 2023 a tribunal overturned the results, paving the way for her to become one of Nigeria’s youngest senators.

Akpabio, a political veteran, was the subject of another sexual harassment allegation from a former public official in 2020. He denied the allegation at the time and recently said he would sue his accuser. He had previously made headlines in 2018 when he predicted an election victory for his APC party by drawing comparisons with Hitler’s invasion of Poland. Last year, shortly after becoming senate president, he was involved in another controversy when a senator was suspended for saying there were inconsistencies in the budget.

After Akpoti-Uduaghan’s suspension, other senators coalesced around Akpabio, a powerful ally of the country’s president, Bola Tinubu.

One male senator said Akpoti-Uduaghan had fabricated the claims because she was angered by her removal as chair of a coveted senate committee in February. Current female senators dismissed her claims on national TV, while one former senator said Akpoti-Uduaghan’s claims were “a sign of weakness” and that sexual harassment happened only in schools.
“Male senators do not surprise me,” said Bakare-Yusuf of the reaction. “They mansplain even the basic of black and white to justify their selfishness. As for the female senators, disappointed is an understatement [but] like all hegemonic structures, patriarchy also has gatekeepers.”

In the aftermath of her accusation, a false claim that Akpoti-Uduaghan had borne six children by six different men surfaced on social media. The senate spokesperson said a kiss she shared with her husband on the senate premises before submitting her petition was “unspeakable” and an act of “content creation”. Over the last two weeks, crowds of pro-Akpabio protesters have turned up in public to abuse her in Abuja.

“Politicians sided with the senate president whom they believe has the power to grant them favours … and the poor were paid by those who have the most money to protest,” said Glory Ehiremen, senior analyst at Lagos-based geopolitical risk advisory, SBM Intelligence.

Some opposition senators have visited Akpoti-Uduaghan to show support. She also said she had received supportive emails from women across Nigeria, including some who were afraid to speak up about their own experiences. “In Nigeria, most women who are sexually harassed in workplaces don’t even tell their husbands because they are afraid of being judged,” she said.

As the episode unfolds, more women are praising her bravery, but few think Nigeria’s #MeToo moment has arrived.
Ehiremen said an entrenched culture of impunity was a barrier to justice. “The elite Nigerian cannot get justice unless they have alliances with the ‘powerful’,” she said. “Never mind the ordinary Nigerian.”

This was first published in Guardian Newspapers

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Opinion

Ekiti’s next leap!

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By Abiodun KOMOLAFE

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One of the off-cycle elections next year will take place in Ekiti State, where Governor Biodun Oyebanji will face reelection. Oyebanji has several strengths to leverage when campaigning begins, particularly his efforts to redirect the state’s political economy in a positive direction, as widely acknowledged by conventional wisdom.

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Ekiti State has navigated the current economic transformation in very steady ways. The state’s poverty level is relatively manageable, rather than crippling. The governor’s strategic intervention in agriculture has built up buffers of price-modulating as well as supply-adjustment mechanisms. This approach has effectively withstood economic headwinds, serving as a model that other states would do well to emulate.

In many ways, Oyebanji’s agricultural policies echo those of Gabriel Akinola Deko, a former Minister of Agriculture from neighbouring Ondo State. Deko, known for his astuteness, established Marketing and Commodity Boards to shield the masses from inflationary pressures. Oyebanji continues this approach!

The governor also excels in two key areas: infrastructural development and management of the political class. His efforts have secured the Federal Government’s approval for the reconstruction of the Ado-Iyin-Igede-Aramoko Itawure Road. The Bola Tinubu government has allocated N5.4 billion for this project, aiming to enhance connectivity and economic growth. As the state's resources continue to improve, the expectation is that the ongoing Ado-Ekiti Ring Road project, connecting the new airport, will also be dualized.

The dynamics of Ekiti State provide the incumbent governor with a highly favourable position, particularly in terms of electoral advantage. In a country seething in the grip of its own helplessness, Oyebanji has proven himself to be a quality leader! Fortunately for him, but unfortunately for the polity, there is currently no coherent alternative emerging from the grassroots to convincingly challenge his position.

To upset an incumbent, one needs a coherent position, even if the incumbent is laughably incompetent. It is tragic that no such alternative position is in the offing, which says a lot about the current state of politics, not just in Ekiti State but nationwide.

May the Lamb of God, who takes away the sin of the world, grant us peace in Nigeria!

*KOMOLAFE wrote from Ijebu-Jesa, Osun State, Nigeria (ijebujesa@yahoo.co.uk)

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