Opinion
2020: Reps navigation in a turbulent year
By John Ameh
At the inception of the year 2020, the 9th House of Representatives, under the leadership of Speaker Femi Gbajabiamila, set out to continue the robust implementation of its Legislative Agenda as well as provide other legislative interventions for good governance in Nigeria.
The House began the year on a good footing and made several positive interventions until the index case of Covid-19 was recorded on February 27 in Lagos.
Unarguably, the Covid-19 pandemic took the world by storm and became the main issue that shaped 2020. But trust the House under Gbajabiamila, who rallied round his colleagues to take some far-reaching measures to help address the situation.
The first step taken by the House to mitigate the impact of the pandemic on Nigeria’s economy was the introduction and passage of the Emergency Economic Stimulus Bill, 2020, initiated by the Speaker. The Bill was to help companies and Nigerians navigate through the pandemic by guaranteeing them some financial support.
It laid the foundation the Federal Government eventually used to roll out a N2.3 trillion economic stimulus package for the nation, among other policies introduced out of collaborations between the Legislature and the Executive.
The Speaker then rallied all the other 359 lawmakers to donate their two months salary to support the Federal Government in the acquisition of ventilators and other PPE kits to combat the devastating wave of Covid-19 pandemic in Nigeria.
Not done yet, Gbajabiamila held several positive engagements with critical stakeholders on the pandemic during the year, all geared toward mitigating the socio-economic/political consequences of COVID-19, as well as preparing the country for the post-crisis period.
A case in point was when he made a special case for the welfare of the frontline workers, who risked their lives so that others might live. Gbajabiamila, it was, who also insisted that the palliatives being doled out by government should reach the intended beneficiaries. The Speaker also came up with the idea of having legal backing for government’s social intervention programmes.
Amid the pandemic, reports indicated that the Chinese were maltreating Nigerians resident in China. Though the House was on a break at the time, necessitated by the pandemic, Gbajabiamila quickly intervened by holding talks with the Chinese Ambassador to Nigeria.
Another step taken by the Green Chamber under Gbajabiamila’s watch was the decision to review and update the Legislative Agenda of the 9th House in a bid to accommodate programmes not envisaged in the pre-COVID-19 era, particularly new challenges thrown up in the health, education and economic sectors.
Similarly, the Gbajabiamila-led House shone like a million stars in 2020 in the efforts it made to promote peace between Nigeria and Ghana. Two examples readily come to mind.
First was the incident in which some developers invaded the premises of the Nigerian Embassy in Accra to demolish a part of the building. Gbajabiamila’s quick intervention by putting telephone calls across to his Ghanaian counterpart, Rt. Hon. Aaron Mike Oquaye doused tension over what would have been a major diplomatic row between the two neighbouring West African countries.
Gbajabiamila was able to extract a commitment from the Ghanaian Parliament that the government of Ghana would shoulder the responsibility of rebuilding the demolished property.
One of the most memorable events of 2020 was the Speaker’s visit to Accra in September for a meeting with the Ghanaian authorities over the controversial $1million capital base requirement for foreign business owners in Ghana. It turned out that Nigerian traders there were the hardest hit by the policy, a reason they cried out and protested against alleged maltreatment by the Ghanaian government.
The Speaker visited and held bilateral talks with the authorities on a mission dubbed ‘Legislative Diplomacy.’ In the end, Gbajabiamila got the Ghanaian authorities to promise to review the law that made a provision for the $1m.
The House, during the year, intervened in a number of labour disputes that threatened to ground critical sectors. It can easily be recalled that resident doctors threatened a strike amid the raving Covid-19 pandemic over the non-payment of their allowances, among other demands. The Speaker moved in to address the issue by pushing for the provision of over N4billion in the revised 2020 budget to cater for the payment of hazard allowances to the doctors.
Also in September, the House intervened in the strike threat by the Nigerian Labour Congress and the Trade Union Congress over the increase in the pump price of petrol and electricity tariffs.
Recall that in May, health workers in the Federal Capital Territory under the aegis of Joint Health Sector Union (JOHESU) and the Assembly of Healthcare Professionals also went on strike over demands relating to salary payments. But Gbajabiamila was able to resolve the issue amicably.
The Speaker also intervened in the prolonged strike by the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU) and his effort was saluted by the union when they called off the strike.
Also, the House gave a push to its promise to reform the Nigeria Police by taking some key decisions in 2020. Police reform is a sub-item under security in the Legislative Agenda of the 9th House. This means that before the #EndSARS protests that rocked the country in October, the House already had a plan to bequeath to Nigerians, a better police force.
However, with the #EndSARS protests, the Speaker, through the support of key stakeholders like the Nigerian Bar Association and the National Human Rights Commission, got the House to introduce a Police Service Commission Reform Bill 2020. It is to strengthen the commission by giving it more powers to hold personnel who abuse their offices more accountable.
The Bill was well dissected at a public forum, where the House also seized the opportunity to launch its Public Policy Dialogue Series as encapsulated in the Legislative Agenda. The theme to kick-start the series was on ‘Policing and Human Rights in Nigeria.’
The bill successfully passed second reading and it is now at the committee stage.
The Speaker also promised to ensure that compensation for victims of police brutality across the country was included in the 2021 budget. The determination of the true victims will be done by legal authorities after a thorough investigation. He followed through in the newly passed budget.
The launching of the e-Parliament platform was another major plus for the House in 2020 and it was to Gbajabiamila’s joy that it was made possible under his tenure as the Speaker of the 9th House. Since 1999, all the proceedings of the House were held via analogue means until September 2020. Gbajabiamila, with the help of an associate, launched an e-Parliament platform for members to help fast-track their legislative work and vote electronically on key legislation.
With the development, members can now access documents in e-format and can also participate in other House activities digitally.
In 2020, the House took action on some important bills. Overall, it treated over 491 bills from January 30 to November 24, including referrals from the Senate. The majority of the bills are still at various stages of legislative fine-tuning for passage soon.
However, some bills deserve special mention. The Petroleum Industry Bill tops the chart. It has become one of the longest bills failing at the National Assembly since 1999. But, in keeping with its legislative promise, the House after a rigorous debate late November, passed the PIB for second reading.
Another important bill that passed second reading was the Electoral Act (Amendment) Bill. Issues like electronic voting and funding of political parties, campaign funding, among others, are captured in the Bill.
The House equally gave attention to the 2021 Appropriation Bill. The House eventually passed the budget of N13.5trillion on December 21, thereby keeping to the January-December budget cycle. The budget also came with the details of the budget of the National Assembly, a deviation from the practice for many years when the legislature’s budget was merely captured as a one-line bulk figure.
Disturbed by rising insecurity in the country, the House made many legislative interventions in 2020. Aside from collaborations with the Executive, the House passed over 100 motions on insecurity alone in 2020.
The year 2020 also saw Gbajabiamila initiating the Conference of Speakers of African Parliaments (CoSAP), and with the support of fellow speakers in Africa, the conference has been pushing for debt cancellation for the continent. They also discussed and agreed to hold the first CoSAP submit in Abuja in 2021.
With 2021 at hand, the Gbajabiamila-led House will continue with robust legislation and interventions by executing its legislative agenda diligently.
If despite the Covid-19 challenge, the House could achieve all the above and many others in 2020, it is hoped that 2021 will be a better year as members of the Green Chamber are determined to surpass their past achievements.
Ameh is the Special Assistant, Media Research and Documentation, to the Speaker, House of Representatives.
By Abiodun KOMOLAFE
The concepts of power, privilege and governance are complex and multifaceted. Power refers to the ability to influence others, while privilege denotes unearned advantages.
Governance encompasses institutions, structures and processes that regulate these dynamics. Together, these concepts raise fundamental questions about justice, equality and resource distribution.
It emphasizes the importance of considering marginalized groups’ experiences and perspectives. The main problem in Nigeria today is its political economy, which is rooted in rent-seeking and fosters a mindset that prioritizes patronage over production.
The country’s politics are characterized by a patron-client relationship, where everything revolves around government handouts rather than effective governance. This has led to a situation where “politics” in Nigeria is essentially a scramble for resources in a country with severely limited opportunities for self-improvement.
When French agronomist René Dumont wrote ‘False Starts in Africa’ in 1962, he inadvertently described Nigeria’s current state in 2025. Nigeria’s missteps have magnified themselves in the theatre of the absurd, such as the construction of a new vice presidential residence and Governor Chukwuemeka Soludo’s boasts about the lavish official residence for the governor of Anambra State, currently under construction.
It is to be noted in contradistinction that the newly sworn-in Prime Minister of Canada, Mark Carney, is looking for somewhere to live. The official residence of the prime minister, 24 Sussex Drive, the Canadian equivalent of 10 Downing Street, is in disrepair and uninhabitable. No Canadian government can dare ask the parliament to appropriate the $40m needed to refurbish the residence.
Canada’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) exceeds $2 trillion, while Nigeria’s GDP is less than $400 billion. Still, Nigeria claims to be a giant! With an electricity generation capacity of less than 6,000 megawatts, Nigeria’s proclamation seems absurd, especially when compared to cities like Johannesburg, Singapore, Hong Kong and Mumbai. Even Lagos State alone should be generating, transmitting and distributing at least 15,000 megawatts, which would be a basic expectation rather than an achievement.
Nigeria today needs a comprehensive overhaul of its governance crisis to build a new political economy and social services that are fit for purpose. Although the government is on the right path in some ways, a root-and-branch transformation is still necessary.
A notable breakthrough is the decision to recapitalize development finance institutions, such as the Bank of Industry and, crucially, the Bank of Agriculture. This move is significant in a rent-seeking state, as it addresses the need for long-term capital – a prerequisite for achieving meaningful progress.
The development finance institutions require annual recapitalization of at least N500 billion, ideally N1 trillion. Achieving this necessitates a thorough cost evaluation of the government’s machinery, starting with the full implementation of the Oronsaye Committee’s recommendations.
The resulting cost savings can then be redirected to development finance institutions and essential social services like primary healthcare. Furthermore, the government should be bolder, if it can afford to be so, especially since there’s no discernible opposition on offer At the moment, the Nigerian political establishment across the board appears to be enamored by the position put forward by the leader of the Russian revolution, Vladimir Lenin, after the failed putsch. Lenin wrote the classic, ‘What is to be done?’
His observation is that revolutions do not take place at times of grinding poverty. They do so during periods of relatively rising prosperity. Significant sections of the Nigerian establishment believe that relatively rising prosperity could trigger off social discontent.
In their own interest, they had better be right. The caveat is that Lenin wrote ‘What’s to be Done’ in 1905. The world has moved on and changed since the conditions that led to the failure of the attempted takeover of government in Russia in 1905. Therefore, the Nigerian political establishment, for reasons of self-preservation, had better put on its thinking cap. Addressing power and privilege in governance requires collective action, institutional reforms and a commitment to promoting social justice. Nigeria currently lacks a leadership recruitment process, which can only be established if political parties are willing to develop a cadre. Unfortunately, the country is dealing with Special Purpose Vehicles (SPVs) instead. It’s rare to find leadership in Nigeria operating political boot camps to recruit and groom youths for future leadership roles.
This might be why many young people have a misguided understanding of politics, viewing it as merely a means of sharing the nation’s commonwealth. Mhairi Black was elected to the British House of Commons at 20 years old.
However, the key point is that Black had started becoming involved in politics at a young age. By the time she was elected, she had already gained significant experience, effectively becoming a veteran in the field. In Nigeria, politics is often seen as one of the few avenues for self-fulfillment. However, the economy is stagnant, with few jobs created in the public sector and limited investment opportunities.
This is a far cry from the 1950s and 1960s, when political parties were more substantial. Today, it’s worth asking how many Nigerian political parties have functional Research Departments. Besides, what socialization into any philosophy or ideology do our politicians have? Similarly to former Governor Rotimi Amaechi, many of those who currently hold power are motivated to stay in politics due to concerns about economic stability.
Of course, that’s why the Lagos State House of Assembly has had to revert itself. It is the same challenge that has reduced the traditional institution to victims of Nigeria’s ever-changing political temperature. It is the reason an Ogbomoso indigene is not interested in what happened between Obafemi Awolowo and Ladoke Akintola.
It is also the reason an Ijebuman sees an Ogbomoso man as his enemy without bothering to dig up the bitter politics that ultimately succeeded in putting the two families on the path of permanent acrimony. Of course, that’s why we have crises all over the place! May the Lamb of God, who takes away the sin of the world, grant us peace in Nigeria!
KOMOLAFE wrote from Ijebu-Jesa, Osun State, Nigeria (ijebujesa@yahoo.co.uk; 08033614419)
Byabiodun KOMOLAFE
Rivers State is now under emergency rule, and it’s likely to remain so for the next six months, unless a drastic change occurs.
If not managed carefully, this could mark the beginning of a prolonged crisis.
In situations like this, opinions tend to be divergent. For instance, some people hold the notion that the security situation and the need to protect the law and public order justified President Bola Tinubu’s proclamation of a state of emergency in, and the appointment of a sole administrator for Rivers State.
However, others view this act as ‘unconstitutional’, ‘reckless’, ‘an affront on democracy’, and ‘a political tool to intimidate the opposition’. When we criticize governments for unmet expectations, we often rely on our own perspectives and biases.
Our individual identities and prejudices shape our criticism. However, it’s essential to recognize that not all criticism is equal. Protesting within the law is fundamentally different from protests that descend into illegality. Once illegality creeps in, the legitimacy of the protest is lost.
As John Donne wrote in ‘Devotions Upon Emergent Occasions’, “Never send to know for whom the bell tolls.” A protest is legitimate when it aligns with societal norms, values and laws. But when protests are marred by violence or sabotage, they lose credibility. Without credibility, protests become ineffective.
Regarding the validity or otherwise of the emergency rule in Rivers State, it is imperative that the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) governors approach the Supreme Court immediately. They should seek a definitive clarification on whether the proclamation is ultra vires or constitutional.
For whatever it’s worth, they owe Nigerians that responsibility!May the Lamb of God, who takes away the sin of the world, grant us peace in Nigeria!
Abiodun KOMOLAFE,ijebujesa@yahoo.co.uk; 08033614419 – SMS only.
Abba Dukawa
The political crisis began in December 2023, when Governor Fubara ordered the demolition of the state House of Assembly complex, which remains unrebuilt to this day. This act has effectively paralyzed the legislative arm, disrupting the state’s system of checks and balances.
The Supreme Court highlighted the severity of this situation on February 28, 2025, emphasizing the absence of a functional government in Rivers State and the executive’s role in collapsing the legislative arm, thereby creating a governance void
Additionally, recent reports indicate that militants have been vandalizing pipelines and issuing threats without any intervention from the state government, raising concerns about the state’s security and economic stability.Given Rivers State’s crucial role in the country’s economy, this situation necessitates urgent and cautious intervention from the federal government.Despite interventions from various stakeholders, including Tinubu himself, the crisis has persisted
.It’s worth noting that Tinubu is the third president to invoke Section 305 of the Constitution, after Ex-President Olusegun Obasanjo and Former President Goodluck Jonathan.
President Bola Tinubu’s declaration of a state of emergency in Rivers State has sparked intense debate about its necessity and potential motivations. During his nationwide speech, Tinubu warned that this decision could set off a chain of unpredictable events, potentially leading to radical ideologies and extremist tendencies.
Critics argue that Tinubu’s decision was unnecessary and politically motivated, particularly given his connection to Minister of the Federal Capital Territory Nyesom Wike, who is accused of being the “arrowhead” of the crisis. Some believe that Tinubu’s administration aims to remove Governor Fubara, perceived as hostile to the 2027 Tinubu/Wike project.Ultimately, the motivations behind Tinubu’s decision remain unclear, and its implications for Rivers State and Nigeria as a whole are yet to be fully seen.
Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) has strongly opposed President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s declaration of a state of emergency in Rivers State and his suspension of Governor Siminalayi Fubara, his deputy, and members of the Rivers State President Tinubu, in his national address, cited rising political tensions and recent acts of pipeline vandalism as justification for the emergency declaration.House of Assembly. President Tinubu, in his national address, cited rising political tensions and recent acts of pipeline vandalism as justification for the emergency declaration.
The NBA pointed to Section 305 of the 1999 Constitution, which governs the procedure for declaring a state of emergency. While this section grants the President emergency powers, it does not allow for the removal or suspension of elected officials. The NBA stressed that the only constitutional method for removing a governor or deputy governor is through impeachment as outlined in Section 188.
Furthermore, the removal of lawmakers must adhere to electoral laws and constitutional provisions insisted that a state of emergency does not equate to an automatic dissolution of an elected government, and any attempt to do so is an overreach of executive power.
Also Former Vice President Atiku Abubakar has strongly condemned President Bola Tinubu’s declaration of a state of emergency in Rivers State, calling it an “assault on democracy” that must be denounced in the strongest possible terms . Wazirin Adamawa argues that Tinubu’s administration is responsible for the chaos in Rivers State, either by enabling it or failing to prevent it. He emphasizes that the President should bear full responsibility for any compromise of federal infrastructure in the state, rather than punishing the people of Rivers State with a state of emergency.
Abubakar also accuses president Tinubu of being a partisan actor in the political turmoil in Rivers, and his refusal to prevent the escalation is seen as “disgraceful to the people of Rivers” The former Vice President believes that the destruction of national infrastructure in Rivers State is a direct result of the President’s failure to act, and punishing the people of Rivers State would be undemocratic.
In his statement, former vice president asserts that the declaration of a state of emergency “reeks of political manipulation and outright bad faith. He urges that the people of Rivers State should not be punished for the political gamesmanship between the governor and Tinubu’s enablers in the federal government. Other analyst believes that the situation in Rivers State, though politically tense, does not meet the constitutional threshold for the removal of elected officials.
For a state of emergency to be declared, Section 305(3) of the Constitution outlines specific conditions, including:
1. War or external aggression against Nigeria. Imminent danger of invasion or war. A breakdown of public order and safety to such an extent that ordinary legal measures are insufficient.
Other reasons for such decisions to be enforced are clear danger to Nigeria’s existence and Occurrence of any disaster or natural calamity affecting a state or a part of it. Where public danger constitutes a threat to the Federation.
Since the state of the emergency in Rivers state has been promulgation, political watchers questions whether the political crisis in Rivers State has reached the level of a complete breakdown of law that has warranting the removal of the Governor and his administration. Political disagreements, legislative conflicts, or executive-legislative tensions do not constitute a justification for emergency rule.
Had been the president remain filmed Such conflicts should have been resolved through legal and constitutional mechanisms, including the judiciary, rather than executive fiat.
A state of emergency is an extraordinary measure that must be invoked strictly within constitutional limits. The removal of elected officials under the pretext of emergency rule is unconstitutional and unacceptable.Tinubu’s administration decision to declare a state of emergency has been met with mixed reactions. Some argue that it was necessary to restore sanity to the state and ensure the country’s stability. Others,, believe that it was an unnecessary decision that could have dire economic and security implications for the state and Nigeria at large.
Was declaration for Rivers state is necessary or political motivation? President Bola Amed Tinubu is fully aware that the declaration of State of Emergency in a prevalent democratic system is not the solution to the self-inflicted crisis bedeviling the State.
What Tinubu needed most was to call Wike, his Minister of FCT, to order. The former governor Wike is the arrowhead of the crisis bedeviling the State.
Now what the president Tinubu decision for the declaration of a state of emergency in Rivers State was an unnecessary decision” that could have dire economic and security implications for the state and Nigeria at large.
Other views whether president decisions of keeping his ally, Minister of the Federal Capital Territory Nyesom Wike, is worth jeopardizing Nigeria’s economy.The keen watcher of events regarded the decision as a display of unpardonable mediocrity and diabolic partisanship geared towards 2027.
Tinubu administration wants to use the excuse of the political instability and other security challenges in Rivers to remove Governor FUBURA from the POWER considered hostile to the minister of the Federal Capital Territory or TInubu/Wiki diabolic partisanship geared towards 2027 election.
During his speeches Mr. President, blaming only the state governor and House of Assembly for the crisis in Rivers State is like expecting one iron to make a loud sound – it’s unrealistic and ignores the roles of others, including the former governor and a cabinet member in your administration.
Let us not forget; The situation in Rivers state is indeed complex, with President Tinubu’s intervention aiming to restore order, but also raising important questions about the balance between federal intervention and state autonomy. Invoking a state of emergency to suspend elected officials is a drastic measure that may set a worrying precedent, especially if not handled carefully.
The appointment of a retired military officer as the state’s administrator also raises concerns about the militarization of a democratic government. This move may be perceived as an attempt to exert federal control over the state, rather than allowing democratic processes to unfold, the initial six-month period of emergency rule, with provisions for extension, could lead to prolonged federal control. This is why it’s essential to establish clear timelines and measurable objectives to ensure a timely return to democratic governance.
Some of the key concerns that need to be addressed include: The potential for abuse of power*: The suspension of elected officials and the appointment of a military administrator could be seen as an attempt to consolidate federal power.
– *The impact on democratic institutions*: The emergency rule could undermine the democratic institutions in Rivers state and set a precedent for future interventions.
– *The need for transparency and accountability*: The federal government must ensure that the emergency rule is transparent, accountable, and subject to regular review. Ultimately, finding a balance between restoring order and respecting democratic institutions is crucial. The federal government must tread carefully to avoid exacerbating the situation and ensure a peaceful resolution.
Dukawa public affairs commentator and can be reached at abbahydukawa@gmail.com
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